Legislating Values: A Reprise

30 January 2006

Today's show is about Legislating Values. Our guest isCongresswoman Anna Eshoo.The episode was taped in front of a live audience, at an event we calledBackstage Live with Philosophy Talk. It was a lot of fun. I love doing the show in front of an audience. The post below the fold is a repeat of the post I wrote back in April in advance of a Capitol Hill symposium on the topic of Legislating Values in which I was a participant. Since we've got many new listeners and readers and since it's pertinent to today's show and since I'm lazy, I thought I'd bring it back up to the top of the blog. I think I still believe everything I wrote back then. But hey, this is a blog, anyway, so it's alright to trot out less than fully developed ideas anyway. Right?

By the way, speaking of Capitol Hill, the whole crew will be back in DC, probably in April, to do an actual episode of Philosophy Talk from Capitol Hill, again in front of a live audience. We're going to DC at the invitation of the Congresswoman, who liked the show so much that she insisted that we come and put a show on up on the Hill. We're really honored to accept the invitation.

Speaking of taking the show on the road, before we go to DC , we head up to Portland, where we'll do two shows. The first one will be at the American Philosophical Association meeting, in front of an audience of our fellow professional philosophers. Our guests will beBrian Weatherson,Liz Harman, and, probably, some yet to be named third person. The topic will be "The Future of Philosophy." Come check us out if you're in Portland for the Pacific APA. There will be food, drink, philosophy and radio. We're hoping we can turn a room full of professional philosophers into accessible and engaging radio. Wish us luck!

The second Portland episode will be produced at the studios of Oregon Public Broadcasting, in front of an audience of their members. It's highly probable that that episode will be produced for television, as well -- in the mode of Imus in the Morning on MSNBC or, heaven forbid, Howard Stern. It should be fun.

无论如何,我们来谈谈立法价值。

I've been invited to participate in a symposium on Capitol Hill on "Legislating Values: Setting Priorities for the 109 Congress." The event is co-sponsored by Stanford University and the Economist Magazine. The small audience of no more than 75 will consists primarily of Capitol Hill staffers, think tank types, some journalists, and some Stanford Alums. It's a really short deal -- one hour. So far, my fellow panelists are Senator Joe Lieberman and Adrian Wooldrige of the Economist Magazine, author ofRight Nation. The organizers still hope to enlist the participation of a Republican member of either the House or the Senate. So far, they've had no luck. [Update: Senator Jeff Sessions has agreed to participate.] It should be fun. In a call with the organizers the other day, I was asked the following question. "Suppose you had the ear of a US Senator for an hour, what would you want to tell him or her about legislating values?" I thought I'd reflect just a little on that in this post.

My role in this symposium is not to be a policy advocate. I certainly have my views and won't shy away from expressing them. But I was asked to provide a more philosophical perspective by the organizers. Since I'm neither a political philosopher nor an ethicist by trade, I'm not sure exactly what they have in mind in inviting me. I do sometimes play a political philosopher and/or ethicist on the radio. Plus if you scratch any philosopher just a little, you'll find the blood of a would-be Philosopher King coursing profusely through his/her veins. I'm no exception. So whatever they had in mind, I'm glad to oblige.

In the conference call mentioned above, I was told that the issues that might be addressed included stem cell research, the recent "values oriented" presidential campaign, Social Security, health care legislation, and national security issues. Quite a list for a one hour symposium! I was also warned that given the way that discussions on Capitol Hill sometimes go, some breaking news event could dominate the symposium and any well thought-out prepared remarks I wanted to make might simply have to be thrown out the window.

Anyway, here are some initial thoughts about the issues they put in front of me. I'll take them in no particular order. First, about the general topic of legislating values, it seems to me that because we live in a polity with plural and conflicting values the national legislature ought to have a great deal of forbearance when it comes to legislating values. The legislature ought to be very very slow to ever impose one among the set of plural and conflicting values on the polity at large. It ought especially refrain from imposing values on the polity at large when that imposition cannot be justified by appeal to so-called public reasons. What exactly should count as a "public reason" is a matter of some contention. To a first approximation, by a public reason, I mean a reason acceptable as a reason to any reasonable participant in public debate, independently of their differences in comprehensive moral outlooks. A public reason should be recognizable as a reason to both a reasonable fundamentalist and a reasonable secularist, for example. There are some complications about this, but I won’t bother with them just now.

I don’t think the legislature is morally or rationally obligated to advance legislation only on the basis of public reasons. One can, though, read the non-establishment clause of the constitution as requiring legislation to have a basis in public reason. But whatever the precise legalities, I think there are very strong practical reasons for the legislature to refrain from adopting any narrowly sectarian rationale for its laws. These have to do with stability and legitimacy. In a democratic polity, the instruments of state power – especially the legislature and the executive – are simply there for the seizing by this party or that. If the party that seizes the instruments of power today, feels entitled by its victory to impose a narrowly sectarian set of values on the polity at large, then the competing party that seizes the instruments of power tomorrow will feel entitled to undo that imposition and impose values of its own. This seems to me a recipe for great social instability and for de-legitimization of the instruments of state power.

说到一个具体的问题,这意味着立法机关不应该采用狭隘的宗派理论来禁止,比如说,干细胞研究。你可以想象,有人从宗教的角度深信,即使仅仅是囊胚,也是被赋予灵魂的人的生命,具有完整的人的尊严,完全应该受到法律的保护。但这将成为禁止干细胞研究的一个理由,只针对那些已经采取了某种狭隘的宗派道德观的人。所以在我看来,这是公共政策的一个不合法的基础。对于我们这些不认同狭隘的宗教观点的人来说,仅仅基于这种理论基础的法律看起来更像是对教条的暴虐强加。

I think it’s also worth thinking about the flip side of the question. Suppose that a substantial number of our fellow citizens do believe, as a matter of fundamental conviction, that the blastocyst is an already ensouled human life, with full human dignity. And suppose they believe this on dogmatic religious grounds. What are they to say to a state that will take no official notice of that conviction as a basis for public policy? “Ah well, we lose! Those are the breaks.” Fat chance! Especially if that conviction is shared by millions of fellow citizens. Those who hold such convictions would seem as entitled as anybody else to mobilize to change public policy. Moreover, some such convictions are are tied to projects that are deeply identity-constituting for those who hold them. If I am a committed fundamentalist, I do not regard my views about the sanctity of life as optional things that I may fairly be asked to abandon as the price of entry into the public square. To abandon those convictions is to abandon my very identity.

当立法机关以触犯数百万公民最根深蒂固的信念的方式立法时,特别是当这些信念与公民的身份构成项目联系在一起时,不稳定和非合法化的威胁就迫在眉睫。即使构成定罪的身份经不起公共理由的检验,情况也是如此。That my reasons are not public, does not make them any lessmyreasons. I would expect a state in which I am to have a stake to be responsive to my reasons, whether or not they are public reasons. Of course, my reasons are not the only reasons. But a state in which I must abandon reasons that are distinctively my own, that are partly constitutive of my most identity constituting projects is not a state to which I can swear my deepest most enduring allegiance.

Let me hasten to add about the stability argument that I do not think that all instability is created equal. The emancipation of the slaves, the end of Jim Crow Segregation, forced busing to achieve school integration, the enfranchisement of women, African Americans, and other minorities, all involved great social, cultural and political upheaval. Many citizens objected strenuously to these changes. Nonetheless, to the extent that state power was instrumental in bringing about these changes, despite such determined resistance, such exercises of state power were, in my view, very good things. Where would be now, if arguments from stability had won the day against the forces of social progress?

Still, it has to be conceded that even now, sometimes many decades after the most heated debates have died down, we still feel the reverberations in our unsettled and divided politics of bygone days of turmoil and upheaval. Nonetheless, it seems right to me that stability in the service of reaction and repression is no virtue, instability in the service of progress no vice.

然而,不幸的是,很难想出任何原则性的基础来决定什么时候长期的社会效益会超过短期甚至长期的社会成本。这使得在一个多元而矛盾的社会秩序中立法价值成为一件特别棘手的事情。我认为有一件事是必要的,尽管肯定不是充分的,那就是建立一个更开明、更审慎的政治体制,一个由真正的利益相关者——我们人民——而不是操纵政治阶层——更牢固地控制的政治体制。

The political class in our country is really pretty astoundingly adept at manipulating and mobilizing certain voting blocks. What the political class largely doesn’t do very well, it seems to me, is to treat the people as the primary and essential stake holders in the deliberative processes of democracy. They come at us with phony issues that bear almost no connection to the hard choices that face us. Hardly any campaign I have witness has ever even attempted to lay out in an honest, systematic and fair-minded way, the real issues that face us, the real cost and benefits of the alternatives available to us, the real winners and losers. One might hope to find the media stepping in to play this role, but our corporate news media has gone vapid in the extreme and mostly focuses on pointless play by play. Think of the most recent presidential campaign and consider the debate now raging about the future of Social Security. What in that campaign laid the groundwork for the current debate? As far as I can tell nothing at all. Bush’s strategy was to energize and mobilize certain constituencies on the basis of what seems to me an utterly phony set of values issues. Kerry's strategy was, well, hard to fathom. Once Bush had successfully used this cynical but effective technique to regain the stage, we are confronted, almost out of nowhere, with an attempt to radically alter Social Security. In the process, we are subjected to a stream of utterly misleading rhetoric about an impending crisis, rhetoric that construes Social Security as an investment vehicle rather than as a kind of social insurance. Whatever your view about Social Security, it’s hard to imagine any thinking reflective person having the feeling of being engaged as an equal stake holder rather than having the feeling of being manipulated and misled.

What seems to be saving the day and causing the outbreak of something like an honest debate is the surprising refusal of the Democrats to cave any further. Partly that is because there is really so little caving room left and so little politcal upside in further caving. So suddenly they have re-discovered a backbone of sorts and have rediscovered the virtues of principle over mere tactical positioning. Add to that the fact that the populace at large may have learned a lesson from the run up to the Iraq War. Whether you believe the administration deliberately lied to us or was deluded by blind imperial ambition or merely made a series of honest mistakes, it’s clear that the justification originally offered for that war has turned completely sour. Too much of that sort of thing and even the grand masters of manipulation start to lose credibility.

我的观点是,我们迫切需要一种更诚实、更审慎的政治,一种把我们所有人都当作真正的利益攸关者、完全有权民主参与、完全有权知道我们现有替代方案的真正成本和收益的政治。部分由于人类理性的弱点和集中权力给我们的体制带来的扭曲,我并不完全乐观。美国人喜欢相信我们拥有最好的一切:世界上最具活力的经济,最公平的司法体系,最好的医疗保健体系,等等。在我们乏味的公司化媒体中几乎从未提及的简单事实,往往会有相反的说法。我们充满活力的经济造成了贫富之间惊人的不平等。我们的医疗保险体系让数千万人别无选择,只能以高昂的成本去急诊室。我们因为更多的罪行监禁了更多的人,监禁的时间比世界上任何工业化民主国家都要长。如果我们环顾世界,就会发现事实并非如此。民主社会已经解决了我们面临的一些同样的问题,但分歧、不平等和不公正要少得多。然而,面对这些现实,我们中的许多人没有被监禁,仍然拥有良好的医疗保健,或发现自己处于收入不平等的有利地位,倾向于构建安慰性的叙事,以证明我们自己的特权地位是合理的。 That does not make us evil or pernicious. It merely makes us human. But it also makes us ripe for the exploiting and manipulating by a set of concentrated interests, fully invested in maintaining certain elements of the status quo. Unfortunately, these concentrated interests own a large chunk of our politics. They are masters of manipulation and masters at mobilization on phony issues that don’t really get to the heart of the real issues we face together. Until their death grip on our politics is broken, many fundamental problems will, I fear, go entirely unaddressed.

Comments(10)


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Monday, April 11, 2005 -- 5:00 PM

Dear Ken Taylor: First I would say to please sp

Dear Ken Taylor:
First I would say to please speak in a common language. Do not go into abstract notions where only philosophers understand what you are saying. Speak plainly in the spirit of Thomas Reid, G.E. Moore, J.L. Austin, and Ronald Reagan. People will be shaking their heads and agreeing with you because of your Ph.D., but that does not mean that they understand you. It has been my experience that in order to convince political science majors through argument, an empirical/utilitarian approach works best. You can?t really plan what you are going to talk about, just use emotion when you speak-it is a great tool to convince people. I am sure you will do great.

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Tuesday, April 12, 2005 -- 5:00 PM

I would expect a state in which I am to have a

我希望一个与我有利害关系的国家对我的理由做出回应,无论这些理由是否为公共理由。当然,我的理由并不是唯一的理由。但是,一个我必须放弃我自己的理由的州,一个我必须放弃我自己的理由的州,一个我必须放弃我自己的理由的州,一个我必须放弃我自己的理由的州,一个我必须放弃我自己的理由的州,一个我必须放弃我自己的理由的州。
Ken, I think this really captures why so many people feel alienated from their government (at all levels) these days. The public "discourse" is dominated by strategists rather than folks who are actually interested in engaging in a dialogue about reasons. Certainly, if the "deliberative body" in our legislative branch opts for the nuclear option, we'll have pretty much abandoned hope of having the government work to build a public sphere where we take each other's reasons seriously (and critically re-examine our own reasons). It then becomes a matter of winner-take-all, majority's reasons trample minority's.
(There's the other cynical worry I have that the reasons articulated by the political strategists are not always the reasons that are actually driving them. I'm sure when you get to Washington you'll be able to tell me I'm wrong about this!)
Anyhow, I think the big message from the Kingdom of Philosophers ought to be that we need a return to honest dialogue and a commitment to take each other seriously even when we disagree. Knock 'em dead!

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Wednesday, April 13, 2005 -- 5:00 PM

if you scratch any philosopher just a little,

if you scratch any philosopher just a little, you'll find the blood of a would-be Philosopher King coursing profusely through his/her veins
[LOL] Truer words were never spoken!

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Friday, April 15, 2005 -- 5:00 PM

The only king I would like to be is to be able to

The only king I would like to be is to be able to rule my own spirit.

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Tuesday, February 7, 2006 -- 4:00 PM

最近的漫画争议重新审视了这个问题。

最近的漫画争议重新审视了这个问题。在日益全球化的世界中,当我们在公共价值之间进行选择时,找出“高于”的公共价值是一个问题。这是尊重出版作品的自由,即使它们公开地、深刻地、故意地冒犯了一些人,还是尊重人们不被公开地、深刻地、故意地冒犯的权利?(我认为后者是一种普遍的公共价值,至少有一些优点,即使有些人可能会被视为犯罪,违反他们的教派价值观)。如果前一种价值高于后一种价值,这是否应该延伸到那些旨在通过给予深刻的、故意的冒犯来“展示”前一种价值高于后一种价值的出版物?如果有的话,法律的界限在哪里?如果后一种价值高于前一种价值,那么一个人宣布一种出版物具有深度和故意的冒犯性的权利的限制在哪里?如果要划的话,法定界限在哪里?这两种价值观有可能完全不兼容,尤其是当文化重叠的时候。

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Sunday, February 26, 2006 -- 4:00 PM

One little-known sidebar in this discussion is tha

在这个讨论中,一个鲜为人知的侧边是,从历史上看,基督教原教旨主义已经相当脱离了立法价值。这取决于你相信原教旨主义是什么时候开始的(大多数历史学家认为19世纪的保守基督教徒与20世纪的原教旨主义者有所不同),在道德多数派撤退之前,原教旨主义的基本政治冲动。政治是“世界的”,许多(如果不是大多数的话)原教旨主义者都有一种被称为“前千禧年主义”的脱离神学,它教导世界必须变得越来越糟(因为上帝是这样命令的),直到基督回来。他们把这个世界看作是“罪的海洋”,福音信息就像一艘救生艇,把罪人从船上拽出来,使他们免于毁灭。重点是拯救罪人,而不是拯救社会秩序。
Undoubtedly, Jerry Falwell deserves the most credit for changing the fundamentalist political ethos into to what it is today. He shunned the Christian political engagement of Martin Luther King because it just wasn't the job of Christians to make the world better (the racial implications are also clear in this context). However, when he saw a growing acceptance in our society for not only "Adam and Even" but "Adam and Steve," that was too much. Christians had to speak out!
Falwell remains to this day a firm premillenialist, which is a screwy basis for political engagement, but other fundamentalists have adopted a different theological framework called "postmillenialism," which holds that Christ will only return WHEN Christians have so advanced a Christian society somewhere on the earth (American might be a good place for this, so they reason) that the world is "prepared" for his return. Postmillenialism is the theological substratum for a "theonomic" approach to government, which is really scary. Radical theonomists advocate a complete return to the Law of Moses as a framework for civil government, including capital punishment for adultary, blasphemy, and disobedient children (some secularists might endorse this idea!).
At any rate, many fundamentalist parishioners (and even some of their ministers) have no idea that their tradition is rooted in political disengagement, and many continue to attend churches with premillenialist doctrinal statements without having a clue as to what premillenialism actually is and how it de-legitimizes their political activities.

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Sunday, March 26, 2006 -- 4:00 PM

Let me begin by saying how much I enjoyed this pos

Let me begin by saying how much I enjoyed this post. So thoughtful and reasonable. However, I do have a response to this part of your post:
"Suppose that a substantial number of our fellow citizens do believe, as a matter of fundamental conviction, that the blastocyst is an already ensouled human life, with full human dignity. And suppose they believe this on dogmatic religious grounds. What are they to say to a state that will take no official notice of that conviction as a basis for public policy? ?Ah well, we lose! Those are the breaks.? Fat chance! Especially if that conviction is shared by millions of fellow citizens. Those who hold such convictions would seem as entitled as anybody else to mobilize to change public policy. Moreover, some such convictions are are tied to projects that are deeply identity-constituting for those who hold them. If I am a committed fundamentalist, I do not regard my views about the sanctity of life as optional things that I may fairly be asked to abandon as the price of entry into the public square. To abandon those convictions is to abandon my very identity."
As you noted earlier, those who hold convictions based on evidence that they could not reasonably expect their fellow citizens to accept are not entitled (if they form a majority) to mobilize to change public policy on the basis of those convictions. If they want to change public policy, let them find reasons that their fellows could reasonably be expected to accept (at least in principle). To say this is not to say that fundamentalists, say, must *abandon* their religious convictions in order to mobilize for policy change. It is to say that fundamentalists must *bracket* their religious convictions when arguing for one public policy over another. If we are all, fundamentalists and atheists alike, to live together in a single society that treats everyone with equal respect, then we must recognize that only public reasons are acceptable in the public square.

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Saturday, April 1, 2006 -- 4:00 PM

Here is an article I wrote these last 4 days on a

Here is an article I wrote these last 4 days on a current imporatant legislation issue. Since it involves current legislation in the Senate I put it here under "Legislating Values." I could not think of any other place to put it. I think it is philosophical because it involves America's morality regarding immigration in not in general how one man treats another fellow human being. Anyway it is an important topic, so I would like your philosophical viewpoint.
Slavery was outlawed with the emancipation proclamation, but there are still human beings treated like slaves in America. After slavery big business interests still needed people to pick the cotton and vegetables for if not free, very low wages, their solution, migrant labor. Since they are not Americans their human rights are not being looked after. Everyday labor from the backs of Mexican migrant workers feed the hungry mouths of Americans.
What do these Mexicans migrant workers get for their cheap labor? They receive ridicule and scorn from the media and politicians who look after business interests. The difference between the amount of money their labor should get and the amount of money their labor gets is their unrecognized contribution to America. So far this unjust solution has worked but Americans are starting to awaken to this injustice and see that immigration reform is needed.
Business interests that hire illegal workers for low wages have to keep the ridicule on Mexicans and make it look like Mexican migrants are the bad guys so that the spotlight will not be shined on them showing how they are taking advantage of Mexicans. If the spotlight was shined on them they would have to pay Mexican migrant workers at least minimum wage. In a country where the minimum wage is not a living wage, how much more so are business interests going to strive to keep Mexican illegal workers from being paid what their labor is truly worth. The criminals are not Mexican migrants but business interests that are taking advantage of their cheap labor.
Americans must tell their congressmen to pass a guest worker program that allows Mexicans to do the jobs that Americans won?t do such as farm labor and at least get paid minimum wage for it. America is a land of immigrants and Mexicans who cross the border to do jobs that Americans won?t do have contributed as much as other Americans to keep this country going.
Don?t get me wrong it is important for America to protect her borders. Passing a guest worker program will allow our border patrol to use the time they would normally use on catching migrant workers who are just trying to do an honest days work with their hands and concentrate on real criminals like drug dealers, human traffickers, gang members, and terrorists. America does not have control of her borders and the reason for this is because current immigration policy is outdated and flawed.
I am for a guest worker program that allows Mexican migrant workers to work in the United States to do work that American?s won?t do while at the same time providing America with verification of their identity. I am for strengthening borders security by taking such measures as building a fence. I am also for ending the ?catch and release? program that seems totally absurd. I am also for a law that requires all Border Patrol uniforms to be made in the United States.
既然我已经告诉了你我支持什么,我就告诉你我反对什么。我不赞成结束多元化移民签证计划,因为美国是一个融合了许多不同文化的大熔炉,我们应该鼓励我们的多样性。我不赞成将移民工人定为犯罪。我也不赞成将那些试图帮助在西南沙漠中因干渴而死亡的民工的宗教神职人员和好心人定罪。
The main point is that there are good and bad parts to the hr 4437 bill. Parts of the bill I feel are fueled by bigotry and racism or the need to appease those viewpoints, while other parts are badly needed to reform immigration. But I must state again that the immigration bill should not pass without a guest worker program that helps peaceful human beings feed their families through their labor without being criminals. There needs to be a guest worker program included in the bill. When you are eating a fruit, or making a dish for your children that requires a migrant worker?s labor remember the person who probably picked it and had to suffer injustice after injustice just so that you could put the food in your family?s mouth.

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Guest

Thursday, February 25, 2010 -- 4:00 PM

2/26/2010 Please tell the People why a force pay

2/26/2010
Please tell the People why a force pay into a failed system of Health Care Insurance Companies, and also to futher burden that cost of a system by a tax forum ?
Thank You
我非常感谢所有在网上发布FASC概念和“把它传递出去”的新朋友。
这是一个诚实的医疗改革的基石,是一个伟大的经历,对于任何没有参与的人,你真的错过了让美国人伟大的东西。这种由政府官员创造的多样性已经失败,现在1.73亿美国人民的眼睛看着,第一次政府官员坐在一起,这是应该的。结果还有待观察。但他们知道,一种反常现象已经被创造出来了,这是因为宪法、权利法案和独立宣言的重组,在它原来创建的论坛?作为一个因素,人民有权撤销保护医疗保健公司不受人民伤害的法律修正案,超过一美元。
And I wish to say i write what is needed in order that some how I can undo all the wrong I have done in hopes that the slate will be wiped clean....
Just because our children do not understand I wish to share this again,
?For days I worked the word diversity in my mind and it came to me that because of this it is not Americas weakness it is our greatest strength. And this is how I will show you.
宪法,
Bill Of Rights -
The Declaration of Independence-
在一个论坛下,建立了所谓的三位一体的法律保护。这是因为这些律法是由有信心的人建立的,他们感谢神的智慧。人们不得不看到并欣赏这三个人合二为一的简单,同时又保持着各自的独立性。
在我们网站的第100页是早期阶段的所谓的“医疗保健的主要指示”,所以请访问并查看1.73亿人浏览的医疗保健。我们应该知道,第100页上的信息是真实的,并记录在法律与历史中。
Henry Massingale
FASC Concepts in and for Pay It Forward
www.fascmovement.mysite.comon google look for page 1 American dream official site.
2/26/2010
Wow, It was stated that Health care is not a moral issue,hmmmm
请允许我和你们分享一个小故事。当我看着我的母亲死于癌症,医疗保险公司像对待死在路边的狗一样对待她时,我从这个系统中退出了30多年,现在因为系统故障,IT进入了我的生活。当我看到政府官员们为医保美元而争吵时,这让我想起了田纳西州一个阳光明媚的日子,在朋友的农场里,一只小虫子飞到地上,小鸡们都掉了下来,天啊,天啊,虱子的叫声和羽毛都飞得很高,所以我弯腰从政府官员那里把这只吓坏了的小医保虫子拿了过来,现在它安全地在我手里。在我寻求帮助的过程中,我请求上帝帮助我建立一项改革,这是一项道德建设,让人类变得更好,重建美利坚合众国的国家安全。你永远猜不到上帝让我看到了什么。This little blog statement you will find true,
first;
我非常感谢所有在网上发布FASC概念和“把它传递出去”的新朋友。
这是一个诚实的医疗改革的基石,是一个伟大的经历,对于任何没有参与的人,你真的错过了让美国人伟大的东西。这种由政府官员创造的多样性已经失败,现在1.73亿美国人民的眼睛看着,第一次政府官员坐在一起,这是应该的。结果还有待观察。但他们知道,一种反常现象已经被创造出来了,这是因为宪法、权利法案和独立宣言的重组,在它原来创建的论坛?作为一个因素,人民有权撤销保护医疗保健公司不受人民伤害的法律修正案,超过一美元。
And I wish to say i write what is needed in order that some how I can undo all the wrong I have done in hopes that the slate will be wiped clean....
Just because our children do not understand I wish to share this again,
?For days I worked the word diversity in my mind and it came to me that because of this it is not Americas weakness it is our greatest strength. And this is how I will show you.
宪法,
Bill Of Rights -
The Declaration of Independence-
在一个论坛下,建立了所谓的三位一体的法律保护。这是因为这些律法是由有信心的人建立的,他们感谢神的智慧。人们不得不看到并欣赏这三个人合二为一的简单,同时又保持着各自的独立性。
在我们网站的第100页是早期阶段的所谓的“医疗保健的主要指示”,所以请访问并查看1.73亿人浏览的医疗保健。我们应该知道,第100页上的信息是真实的,并记录在法律与历史中。
Henry Massingale
FASC Concepts in and for Pay It Forward
www.fascmovement.mysite.comon google look for page 1 American dream official site.

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Wednesday, April 14, 2010 -- 5:00 PM

Hi everybody, I stopped by to blog again with you

大家好,我再次来到这里,与大家一起写博客,向大家展示,将1.73亿互联网网站的浏览量联合起来的因果关系,是如何迫使政府签署这项法案成为法律的,而现在,它应该在法庭上签署。官员寻求平衡,我寻求不平衡,因为我想要和89%的人民一样,一个诚实的改革。
I am sorry but this Bill to Law needs to go back to formula. It is not built on equal standing between Social Grace of People and The People.
首先,不知何故,有许多人不了解政府内部管理机构的功能。首先,大约有60个个人席位负责起草这些法律,包括民主党和共和党。然后这个法律法案进行投票,大约有500名共和党人和民主党人参加投票。说这是奥巴马法案,在用词上不是政治正确。
Now lets get to the issues of this Bill of Law being Unconstitutional.
I agree this new Health Care Law borders on a Constitutional Infringement and within the rush of putting it into action, a balance of dollar issues is lost. The placement of threats against the People is in fact Unconstitutional, as will as force pay.
不幸的是,反对该法案的法律部门需要通过人民的声音在宪法侵权概念中进行重组,正是人民的声音指导着国家的命运和法院的决定。例如,1亿人的重量,他们在法庭上的话语带来的价值的重量,不是摧毁这个法案,而是让它回到公式。
I must agree with people that this Bill to Law is built within the concept of Social Grace and I do not blame people one bit for the out cry of the burden place against Companies and people that make a great deal of money.
The use of FASC Concepts 10% per cent on a yearly income that may have been used by Officials is in error because this forum of mine looks into the economic conditions within each home before a placement of payment can go forward, and we believe in the freedom of choice. {As of yet there has been no reply by Officials of Government if they used our Concepts.}
To show people that I do not belong to any Governing Parties or Insurance Companies, please enjoy the Roll back Concepts of FASC under economy buster at our site.
This issue we find unfair, According to information, that Tax Payers pay for over 75% of all Medical Cost for Government Officials. As it would seem this Social Grace, is not of a equal standing, as stated in Bill 101 of the New Health Care Laws. Government Officials are Civil Servants According to Law and should not be above the Law of this 10% Force Pay on a Yearly Income. Health care for U.S. Politicians receive the Countrys ,New health care plan to cover all government people (When the President, Senators, ... leaves office do they lose their federal employee health care or go on cobra like concept... Make them pay for their own Health care just as we do if they refuse to pay tax, what then ? { you can find this story also at the page for economy buster and the link } ...
My big complaint is that the 10% based, Health Care Forum Bill 101 is lacking inter structure and will not help the economic effected people, and will burden people who all ready have insurance.
This 1900 pages of Law is untested and only in theory. The fact still remains that because this Health Care System is a $100 Trillion Dollar per year system ,we feel that the Court should place this new Tax Theory { Bill to Law} under Court Supervision for 3 years, because of the failure of Officials to fix the existing Tax System. Without further in site of a balance, only a way to balance the existing in a concept that still eludes practical guidelines. As in I see no back up ideas like {plan B} and it, this Tax Plan is still based on a dollars being a constant flow of cash.
According to information that there is a plan to lay off City and County workers, that it is considered cheaper to put them on unemployment and Social Services then payroll. What would be more practical is to have every other weekend off or for those who wish, each weekend off. This includes Postal Workers. Also as in Deer field Beach Florida a out side contractor has offered a Bid Per Purposed Contract and lay offs will be against employees under so much time in and on that County job.
We do understand that Governing Officials are desperate for this Health Care Money, so as a concept of a way to balance trust again between Officials and the People, any Government official that has a Job Concept, they must put up a Bond as a Contractor would to build a project. Once the Job Conclusion has reached a successful point in it creation, Officials receive a refund.
如前所述,这一医疗保健美元属于人民,而我手中确实有这一小小的医疗保健虫子。2.5亿人的平衡的观点,所有的这种多样性由官员也慢慢的沉默,因为我讲的人,我提供的意见构建块医疗改革,因为我的概念在这卫生保健问题,改革政府,我会问美国最高法院将在法院监督下摊还给这个卫生保健美元,直到认为值得的人的一部分。
在三年内,我们的预算/赤字可以达到1.2万亿美元的正余额。但首先我们必须提出一个工作,在反战争犯罪论坛上战略性地重建美国。To place Factories where they serve that area of city or town.
我目睹了7年的失败,直到今天?我看见这个吗?,但没有官方的干预。官员们的帽子都是骗子给的,阿拉伯毒品帝国,洞穴居民。这个问题与我的信仰无关,我只能与你们分享我30多年来所看到的情况,人民必须团结起来,对这项新法律和我们的政府进行改革。
No I am sorry President Obama, Officials need to earn trust again, and to become as one with the People. This is a way to say, look into the economic conditions at persons home before you over burden their lives, with this Bill to Law. This is why you was voted into Office.....
FASC的“把爱传出去”概念覆盖了整个网络看看为什么我们会成为美国最大的网站,我们感谢成千上万的人,他们通过我们发出了共同的声音。
on google , yahoo, and aolwww.fascmovement.mysite.com